官员博士化"渐成奇观：中国"博士大跃进
半月谈
近年来，在中央提倡干部年轻化、知识化的背景下，很多地方在选拔干部时，已明确把博士学历作为一个优势条件。然而，这一原本体现国家对知识和人才尊重的良好举措，却在一些地方和部门走了形、变了味，“博士大跃进”浮躁之风愈演愈烈。更有甚者，在这场由官员和高校担任主角的“二人转”中，官员以权力谋学位，教授以学历谋资源，“博士帽”变成了权力腐败和学术腐败同流合污的筹码。一些缺乏独立精神的高校将学位化为献媚的礼物，得到了项目、经费和资源，成为“博士帽”批发商；不少官员也凭借职权，将“博士顶戴”轻松加身，以图在今后的提拔升迁中，让“博士帽”兑换来更高级别的“乌纱帽”。
提拔升迁是官员攻博原始冲动
今年6月，原中国证监会副主席、西南财经大学博士王益据传被“双规”。全国政协委员、复旦大学教授葛剑雄撰文《请查一下王益的博士学历来历》，在社会上引起广泛共鸣。
葛剑雄对王益的博士学历提出了一系列质疑：本科和硕士都是历史学专业的王益，如何能在繁忙的工作中，用约两年时间完成经济学博士课程，写成博士论文，发表若干篇学术论文，并通过答辩？从理论上讲，要修完一门课程就得定期到学校听讲并参加考试，王益任职单位在北京，西南财经大学在成都，学校不可能派人到北京为王益单独上课或单独命题考试，王益上课和考试是如何完成的？正常情况下，全日制博士生需要3年多时间才能拿到学位，在职博士生往往需要更长的时间，王益为何能比正常学制的学生还要早毕业？如果王益真的按规定上课，参加论文撰写和答辩的各个程序，就必须每周往返于北京和成都之间，旅费是自己出还是花了纳税人的钱？
中国首批博士诞生于1983年5 月，此后25年间，在校博士生数量和博士学位授予量迅速增长。根据教育部统计公报，1998年，我国在校博士生45246人，到了2004年，猛增至 16.56万人，个别年份新招博士生超过5万人。来自国务院学位办的最新统计显示，2007年我国的博士授予数量超过美国，攀升至世界第一。
在这场“博士大跃进”中，官员攻博又是一种怎样的发展态势？据半月谈记者多方调查，一些国家部委领跑了“官员博士化”进程，有的部委博士比例已占到了总人数的一半左右。在经济发达地区和高校集中的省份，省部级、司局级、县处级官员攻读博士几乎成为潮流。 行政机关真的需要这么多博士吗？有关专家认为，政府的职能是公共管理，除了个别专业性岗位外，大部分行政岗位本科学历足以胜任。既如此，众多官员为何对博士文凭情有独钟？
据记者调查，官员攻博主要有四种心态。一是在实际工作中确实感到还有知识欠缺，希望通过攻博开阔视野，提高对专业领域的研究水平。二是塑造个人形象，把高学历当作光鲜外衣包装自己。三是把攻博作为扩大社交范围，结识更多专家、官员和企业家的机会。四是想用博士学位把自己“武装”成拥有高学历的知识型干部，以此获得提拔晋升的优势条件。
葛剑雄认为，官员在职攻读博士学位，不是不需要，但绝大多数官员所追求的，与其说是某一方面的专业能力，还不如说是博士学位的象征意义。是否拥有博士学位往往成为提升的先决条件和关键因素，直接导致一些官员对博士学位趋之若鹜。
权力侵蚀学历换来“博士顶戴”
官员攻博，最大难题就是学习时间无法保证。许多官员所在单位与攻博学校并不在一个城市，有的甚至相隔千里。按照我国行政机关每周5天工作制，对于只有周末才有时间听课的官员而言，很难在两天之内往返千里去聆听导师的教诲。就算每周末都能保证听课时间，攻博官员的学习时间也只占全日制博士的1/3。但令人匪夷所思的是，官员博士生往往比全日制博士生毕业得还要快。
葛剑雄感叹：作为负有指导博士生之责的教师，我深知，要获得博士学位，即使原来有良好的基础，也并非易事。就我见闻所及，那些在高官位置上获得的博士学位，很少不含水分，甚至少不了权力或者金钱的介入。
全国政协委员、清华大学教授蔡继明曾经上交了一份“要遏制党政干部的文凭腐败”的提案。蔡继明认为：许多在校生10年寒窗才能拿到博士学位，但是一些党政干部凭借手中的权力，课也不上，稀里糊涂就混到了文凭，这很不公平。 蔡继明透露，相当数量已经获得和正在攻读研究生的党政干部，大多是利用自己的地位和手中的职权，动用公款混取文凭。入学考试往往是瞒天过海，或者名义上报考统招生，实际上参加校外班单独考试；或者考试舞弊，甚至根本没有经过考试就取得了入学资格。在课程学习过程中，又投机取巧，或者三天打鱼两天晒网，或者由秘书代听课。在学期考试中，由秘书代考或者根本不考，反正总有办法得到高分。完成整个博士学业所必需的发表学术论文、接受答辩等诸多严格的程序，一些官员也有应对之策，论文可以找人写，答辩委员会的成员可以提前“ 做工作”。
凭借手中所掌握的各种资源，很多官员在博士考试中“脱颖而出”，一帆风顺摘得“博士帽”，由“学而优则仕”而“仕而优则学”，“官员博士化”渐成奇观。
高校“文凭钓鱼”演绎学位换资源
官员“博士大跃进”引发了不少让人瞠目结舌的怪现象。北京高校云集，但一些外地高校却纷纷将在职博士集中培训点开设到北京。对博士学历的这种强劲需求，甚至连菲律宾、新加坡、马来西亚等国的一些高校也难挡诱惑，先后在北京、上海、广州等地设立招生机构。
某些缺乏独立精神的高校，趁机将文凭化作谄媚的礼物，从入学到毕业，主动为官员们设计了一条秘密“绿色通道”，入学考试一般都是学校单独命题，有些高校甚至打出了“免试入学”的旗号，不断扩大官员博士招生规模。一些在职领导干部也投桃报李，利用手中握有的各种项目审批权，给学校安排土地批租、增加经费等许多好处，搞起权学交易。 官员以权力谋学位，教授以学历谋资源。河南省一位曾获得某著名高校经济学博士学位的副市长告诉半月谈记者，博导与官员结成的“师生关系”是一种“双赢合作”。有了这层“师生关系”，导师不仅可以顺利拿到很多科研项目，而且能借助官员的行政权力获得诸多社会资源。
某大学一位教授向半月谈记者透露，因为带了两名官员博士生，该校一位博士生导师的儿子被安排到某重要单位工作，博导夫妇每年都被邀请到“官员博士”所在市的国家级风景区度假。这位博导在郑东新区买了一套新房子，两名“学生”，一名“赞助”了装修费用，另一名赠送了一套家具和电器。丰厚的回报对该校其他导师带来了心理上的冲击。一些导师也开始自降身份，有意识地招收官员学生，并在入学、考试、论文等方面主动帮忙。
郑州市某高校一位副校长在接受记者采访时承认，虽然负有不可推卸的责任，但是学校其实无力抗拒拿文凭换利益的“官员博士化”。因为学校需要主管部门方方面面的支持，特别是掌管科研经费、项目、计划指标的教育、财政等部门，你不做别人做，结果不仅会被上级“穿小鞋”，而且还会被扣上“思想不够解放”的帽子。
“国家的耻辱”：权学交易歪风亟待刹住
“官员博士化”的迅速膨胀，不仅加剧了官员群体升迁道路上的彼此攀比，更加剧了权力腐败和学术腐败的媾和。有限的教育资源被大量消耗，真正的求学者被排斥，“劣币驱逐良币”使人们对国家教育制度产生了信任危机。
著名数学家、哈佛大学教授丘成桐在南开大学的一次演讲中，痛斥中国高校的学术腐败是“国家的耻辱”。很多教育界人士在接受半月谈记者采访时尖锐地指出：官员 “博士大跃进”中的种种权学交易，为一些不学无术、滥竽充数的官员提供了升迁的台阶，伤害了那些刻苦学习、勤奋钻研的学生，使我国的学位含金量不断下降。
令人欣慰的是，为了捍卫博士学位的尊严和品质，一些高校已经开始对招收在职博士生提出严格要求，包括引入匿名评审员制度、论文评审公示制度等。一些著名高校的个别专业和身怀学术良心的学者，已明确提出不再招收在职博士生。一些党政机关对干部文凭腐败现象已有所警觉，在公选干部时，对需要拥有博士学历的岗位，提出了必须是全日制博士研究生的要求。
2008年11月25日星期二
Thanksgiving
Thanks to those who
Have supported me
And my family.
Never give up your hope is the
Key.
Success with
Gratitude
Is
Very
Important. May
New Year bring you all
Good luck and prosperity!
I am thankful for my family.
I am thankful for my friends.
I am thankful for all I have.
To me,
Life is how I make it to be.
Work hard, Love my kids,
Raise a happy family!
HAPPY THANKSGIVING TO YOU!
Have supported me
And my family.
Never give up your hope is the
Key.
Success with
Gratitude
Is
Very
Important. May
New Year bring you all
Good luck and prosperity!
I am thankful for my family.
I am thankful for my friends.
I am thankful for all I have.
To me,
Life is how I make it to be.
Work hard, Love my kids,
Raise a happy family!
HAPPY THANKSGIVING TO YOU!
2008年11月22日星期六
美国人的一种择业观
Questions to Consider When Choosing a Career or Major of Study
From CND.org
·刘以栋·
秋天了，树叶变得五颜六色。秋天是上学的季节，以前是我们自己上学，现在是孩子们上学。友人见面，常聊起某人的孩子上了哪个大学，学什么专业。中国古人讲，男怕入错行，女怕嫁错郎。现在男平等，家长对女儿的学习也很重视。所以，孩子学什么专业常常变成全家有争议的问题。
有时与美国人聊天，问起同样的专业选择问题，回答也是因人而异。美国家长同样不喜欢子女去学唱歌跳舞一类的专业，不同的是美国家长往往不太强求子女顺从自己的意志。道理讲明白了，做最后选择的是孩子。当然，美国机会多，随时可以调整专业，不象我们那时一个志愿定终生。
美国家长与子女讨论选择专业时，常会问下列几个问题。有时觉得这些问题问得也有一定道理，现择录在这里与大家一起探讨。
第一，你是否喜欢这一行（Ｄｏ ｙｏｕ ｌｉｋｅ ｉｔ）？
首先，争取选择学自己喜欢的专业。 每天做自己喜欢的事是人生的一件幸事。爱好与工作的区别在于，爱好是自己花钱去做，譬如看电影，钓鱼，打高尔夫球；工作是别人付钱让我去做，譬如每天上班。如果工作与爱好是同一件事，那将会多么美妙。一边高高兴兴地做事，一边开心地赚钱。 许多成功人士，都很喜欢自己的工作。美国许多人，也很喜欢自己的工作岗位，所以他们每天也比较高兴。 中国人常感觉许多美国人胸无大志，但无可否认，总体来讲，美国人比中国人相对说来过得更开心。
第二，你在这一行是否杰出（Ａｒｅ ｙｏｕ ｇｏｏｄ ａｔ ｉｔ）？
大家都喜欢做自己喜欢的事，但关键是，你是否在这一行会比别人做得好。同样是打高尔夫球，有人挣钱，有人花钱；同样是打篮球，大部分人是花钱，花业余时间去打；但姚明打篮球却打得全世界闻名，当然也不少挣钱。这里的根本区别在于，你在同行业是否杰出。中国人讲，行行出状元，应该指的是同一回事。 选择自己的爱好并不难，难的是能否客观认清自己的潜力。这牵涉到对某一行业的喜欢程度，同行业的竞争程度和自己的客观条件。各方面综合平衡以后，何尝不可拼搏一下。
第三，你是否可以靠这一行谋生（Ｃａｎ ｙｏｕ ｍａｋｅ ｌｉｖｉｎｇ ｏｎ ｉｔ）？
美国人也需要穿衣吃饭，所以生存问题也是他们必须面对的现实。一般来讲，每一行做好了都可以生存，但不同行业的处境是不一样的。譬如，从事音乐，绘画，舞蹈，天文等行业，只有比较杰出的人才不会为生计担忧。而学工程管理，医疗保健方面的专业更容易找到一份收入稳定的工作。朋友开玩笑说，医学院里最差的一名毕业生，工作以后别人也叫他医生（Ｄｏｃｔｏｒ）。
可以肯定的是，我们的孩子在这里长大，没有语言，文化方面的障碍，没有身份问题需要解决，前途一定会超过我们的想象，生活问题根本就不应当成为问题。如果他们选择一个自己喜欢的专业，很可能干出一番事业。我们这些做父母的，可以参照美国人的以上几个问题，引导，鼓励孩子们去做他们真正喜欢的事。十年树木，百年树人，或许指的就是这一层意思。
From CND.org
·刘以栋·
秋天了，树叶变得五颜六色。秋天是上学的季节，以前是我们自己上学，现在是孩子们上学。友人见面，常聊起某人的孩子上了哪个大学，学什么专业。中国古人讲，男怕入错行，女怕嫁错郎。现在男平等，家长对女儿的学习也很重视。所以，孩子学什么专业常常变成全家有争议的问题。
有时与美国人聊天，问起同样的专业选择问题，回答也是因人而异。美国家长同样不喜欢子女去学唱歌跳舞一类的专业，不同的是美国家长往往不太强求子女顺从自己的意志。道理讲明白了，做最后选择的是孩子。当然，美国机会多，随时可以调整专业，不象我们那时一个志愿定终生。
美国家长与子女讨论选择专业时，常会问下列几个问题。有时觉得这些问题问得也有一定道理，现择录在这里与大家一起探讨。
第一，你是否喜欢这一行（Ｄｏ ｙｏｕ ｌｉｋｅ ｉｔ）？
首先，争取选择学自己喜欢的专业。 每天做自己喜欢的事是人生的一件幸事。爱好与工作的区别在于，爱好是自己花钱去做，譬如看电影，钓鱼，打高尔夫球；工作是别人付钱让我去做，譬如每天上班。如果工作与爱好是同一件事，那将会多么美妙。一边高高兴兴地做事，一边开心地赚钱。 许多成功人士，都很喜欢自己的工作。美国许多人，也很喜欢自己的工作岗位，所以他们每天也比较高兴。 中国人常感觉许多美国人胸无大志，但无可否认，总体来讲，美国人比中国人相对说来过得更开心。
第二，你在这一行是否杰出（Ａｒｅ ｙｏｕ ｇｏｏｄ ａｔ ｉｔ）？
大家都喜欢做自己喜欢的事，但关键是，你是否在这一行会比别人做得好。同样是打高尔夫球，有人挣钱，有人花钱；同样是打篮球，大部分人是花钱，花业余时间去打；但姚明打篮球却打得全世界闻名，当然也不少挣钱。这里的根本区别在于，你在同行业是否杰出。中国人讲，行行出状元，应该指的是同一回事。 选择自己的爱好并不难，难的是能否客观认清自己的潜力。这牵涉到对某一行业的喜欢程度，同行业的竞争程度和自己的客观条件。各方面综合平衡以后，何尝不可拼搏一下。
第三，你是否可以靠这一行谋生（Ｃａｎ ｙｏｕ ｍａｋｅ ｌｉｖｉｎｇ ｏｎ ｉｔ）？
美国人也需要穿衣吃饭，所以生存问题也是他们必须面对的现实。一般来讲，每一行做好了都可以生存，但不同行业的处境是不一样的。譬如，从事音乐，绘画，舞蹈，天文等行业，只有比较杰出的人才不会为生计担忧。而学工程管理，医疗保健方面的专业更容易找到一份收入稳定的工作。朋友开玩笑说，医学院里最差的一名毕业生，工作以后别人也叫他医生（Ｄｏｃｔｏｒ）。
可以肯定的是，我们的孩子在这里长大，没有语言，文化方面的障碍，没有身份问题需要解决，前途一定会超过我们的想象，生活问题根本就不应当成为问题。如果他们选择一个自己喜欢的专业，很可能干出一番事业。我们这些做父母的，可以参照美国人的以上几个问题，引导，鼓励孩子们去做他们真正喜欢的事。十年树木，百年树人，或许指的就是这一层意思。
2008年11月18日星期二
中美高中生对比, 值得深思 Education in USA and China: Another Case for Comparison
From CND.org
据报导：前不久，中央电视台「对话」节目邀请中美两国即将进入大学的高中生参与。其中，美国的12名高中生都是今年美国总统奖的获得者，国内的高中生也是被北京大学、清华大学、香港大学等着名大学录取的优秀学生。 整个节目中的两个环节因为中美学生表现的强烈对比，令人震撼。
他们几乎一致地选择了真理和智慧，而我们选择了财富和权力
在价值取向的考察中，主持人分别给出了智慧、权力、真理、金钱和美的选项，美国学生几乎惊人一致地选择了真理和智慧。他们有的这样解释，如果我拥有智慧，我掌握了真理，相应我就会拥有财富和其他东西。而中国高中生除了有一个选择了"美"外，没有一个选择真理和智慧，有的选择了财富，有的选择了权力。
中国学生直奔权力和财富这样的结果，忽视了如何实现的过程，不去思索实现这些目标的途径。我们文化中的官本位在他们的观念里已根深蒂固，社会上对於金钱的过分热衷追逐深深地影响着他们。我们的孩子的选择清楚地映照出了我们的文化传统和社会环境的一些劣根性。
我们吟诗弄赋，他们脚踏实地
接下来的环节是制定对非洲贫困儿童的援助计划。首先由中国学生阐述。我们的孩子从中国悠久的历史入手，从歌颂丝绸之路、郑和下西洋，到吟咏茶马古道，然後有人弹古筝，有人弹钢琴，有人吹箫，三个女生大合唱，一人一句，一会又是一个人深情地背诵，然後是大合唱。最後对非洲的援助计划轻描淡写地一笔带过。只说组织去非洲旅游，组织募捐，还去非洲建希望小学。整个感觉是一个大扫帚，後面拖个小尾巴。
有一个留美的华裔作家发问，你们募捐，要我掏钱出来，首先你的整个援助计划得打动我，我还要知道我的钱都花在什麽地方，我捐出去的每分钱是不是都真正发挥作用了。我们的学生对於这样的问题面面相觑，谁也回答不出来。 美国高中生的方案，则是从非洲目前的实际情况，从也许我们都想不到的非洲社会生活的方方面面，包括食物、教育、饮用水、艾滋病、避孕等一些看起来很细小的实际问题入手，每一项，做什麽，准备怎麽做，甚至具体到每项的预算，而那些预算竟然准确到几元几分。每个人分工明确，又融成一个整体，整个计划拿来就可以进入实施阶段。
与美国学生的成熟干练稳重不同，从节目表现的东西来看，中国学生完全与社会实际脱钩，眼光局限，而且欠缺整体意识，除了才艺展现，就是书本上的知识。
经过这两个环节，使人无由的悲愤：当中国学生该展现出理想和精神的崇高的时候，他们要追逐金钱和权力；当中国学生该立足实际，脚踏实地解决问题的时候，他们又吟诗弄赋，在实际问题的外围不着边际地轻轻飘浮。我们到哪里寻找既有理想，又能做事的公民？
值得人们深思！
□ 网络中文论坛
据报导：前不久，中央电视台「对话」节目邀请中美两国即将进入大学的高中生参与。其中，美国的12名高中生都是今年美国总统奖的获得者，国内的高中生也是被北京大学、清华大学、香港大学等着名大学录取的优秀学生。 整个节目中的两个环节因为中美学生表现的强烈对比，令人震撼。
他们几乎一致地选择了真理和智慧，而我们选择了财富和权力
在价值取向的考察中，主持人分别给出了智慧、权力、真理、金钱和美的选项，美国学生几乎惊人一致地选择了真理和智慧。他们有的这样解释，如果我拥有智慧，我掌握了真理，相应我就会拥有财富和其他东西。而中国高中生除了有一个选择了"美"外，没有一个选择真理和智慧，有的选择了财富，有的选择了权力。
中国学生直奔权力和财富这样的结果，忽视了如何实现的过程，不去思索实现这些目标的途径。我们文化中的官本位在他们的观念里已根深蒂固，社会上对於金钱的过分热衷追逐深深地影响着他们。我们的孩子的选择清楚地映照出了我们的文化传统和社会环境的一些劣根性。
我们吟诗弄赋，他们脚踏实地
接下来的环节是制定对非洲贫困儿童的援助计划。首先由中国学生阐述。我们的孩子从中国悠久的历史入手，从歌颂丝绸之路、郑和下西洋，到吟咏茶马古道，然後有人弹古筝，有人弹钢琴，有人吹箫，三个女生大合唱，一人一句，一会又是一个人深情地背诵，然後是大合唱。最後对非洲的援助计划轻描淡写地一笔带过。只说组织去非洲旅游，组织募捐，还去非洲建希望小学。整个感觉是一个大扫帚，後面拖个小尾巴。
有一个留美的华裔作家发问，你们募捐，要我掏钱出来，首先你的整个援助计划得打动我，我还要知道我的钱都花在什麽地方，我捐出去的每分钱是不是都真正发挥作用了。我们的学生对於这样的问题面面相觑，谁也回答不出来。 美国高中生的方案，则是从非洲目前的实际情况，从也许我们都想不到的非洲社会生活的方方面面，包括食物、教育、饮用水、艾滋病、避孕等一些看起来很细小的实际问题入手，每一项，做什麽，准备怎麽做，甚至具体到每项的预算，而那些预算竟然准确到几元几分。每个人分工明确，又融成一个整体，整个计划拿来就可以进入实施阶段。
与美国学生的成熟干练稳重不同，从节目表现的东西来看，中国学生完全与社会实际脱钩，眼光局限，而且欠缺整体意识，除了才艺展现，就是书本上的知识。
经过这两个环节，使人无由的悲愤：当中国学生该展现出理想和精神的崇高的时候，他们要追逐金钱和权力；当中国学生该立足实际，脚踏实地解决问题的时候，他们又吟诗弄赋，在实际问题的外围不着边际地轻轻飘浮。我们到哪里寻找既有理想，又能做事的公民？
值得人们深思！
□ 网络中文论坛
2008年11月14日星期五
何时恢复中国农民的平等权利？——奥巴马当选随想
【透视中国】
何时恢复中国农民的平等权利？——奥巴马当选随想
·马失途·
From CND.org
从林肯解放黑奴到马丁·路德·金的民权运动，再到今次奥巴马当选总统，经过一个半世纪一步一个脚印的努力，美国黑人的社会地位终于取得了长足的进步。
在咱们中国，存不存在种（民）族歧视甚或种（民）族隔离呢？这个问题比较新鲜。尽管西方政要和人权活动家们爱把眼光聚焦在中国的少数民族地区，并提出种种质疑和批评，但中国少数民族受歧视之说却证据不足。笔者倒有几个反例。
那还是八十年代初，笔者所在的学校为“公平”分配房子，所有教职员工一律按分数排队。影响计分的变量中，除了职务、职称和工龄等外，还有一项就是民族籍别：少数民族加两分，等值于两年的工龄。这对青年教职工太重要了，两分之差可要管一大排人！于是，一位家住湖北宜昌地区的同事从家乡开来证明，一下子成了土家族！
恢复高考后，各省市间起分线差异很大。一般来说，少数民族和边远地区受照顾。前些年，我有几个堂侄举家移民青海省打工，主要目的就是为了子女的高考优势（内地的竞争实在太激烈）。内地移去的人多了，居然产生了一个新名词：高考移民。至于北京、上海等大城市也受到照顾，笔者愚昧，实在想不出受照顾的理由。农民工若想往北京上海“高考移民”，那简直是大白天说梦话。外地城市人口进京尚且难上加难，农民工？甭谈！
从七十年代起，中国实行严格的计划生育政策。在城市里，哪怕贵为中央委员，生第二胎也不可能。只有少数民族例外。有一位朋友，他的老哥当年生了第二胎，有失去工作的危险。幸亏有一半满族血统，才得以解危。满人自入关后，逐渐被汉人同化。至民国再到中华人民共和国，满汉差别已消失殆尽。满族人之“复满”，大约是拨乱反正以后的事。既然有分房、招生、生育等诸多优越性，何乐而不为？当年的我，因职称低工龄短（回乡劳动不算工龄，除非是民办教师。下乡知青算工龄，但此“工龄”仅分房有效）而分不到单门独户的房子，只能与校办机械厂一青工合居一套两室一厅，不知有多别扭。若能加上两分，慢说是土家族，把我改成鄂伦春族我也求之不得（对不起，鄂伦春族的同胞们别见怪）！
综上所述，似乎可结论如下：在中国，基本不存在种（民）族歧视，至少在生存权范围内如此（个人意见，不代表组织）。
但若把“种族”或“民族”二字改为“户籍”，那么歧视和隔离在天朝不仅存在，而且还很严重。 自解放以来，严格地说自五十年代以来，中国农民就失去了迁徒自由，尤其在农村和城市间横出一道虽看不见但却不可逾越的鸿沟，比柏林墙或巴以隔离墙还管用。城里人犯了事，就发配农村劳动，比如五七年之右派流放和文革中称为“牛棚”的五七干校。文革中更有高招，为保证大城市的“纯洁”，有“问题”的家庭统统下放，还美其名曰“我们也有两只手，不在城里吃闲饭”。更不用说千万知青上山下乡。林副统帅称之为“变相劳改”，其实就是百分之百的劳改。中国农村是什么？说穿了，整个一俄罗斯的西伯利亚。而农村人若想逆向流进城市，那比蜀道还要难百倍。唯一的途径是高考。所以至今仍是千军万马挤独木桥，亿万鲤鱼跳“龙”门。除少数幸运者外，绝大部分农民的后代只能继承父母的农业户口，努力修补地球。
六十年代中期，我姐姐的一位闺中好友嫁到了附近的小城镇，却没吃到商品粮，而且连小孩也上不了城镇户口，因子女户口随母亲。所以隔三差五地总跑回娘家背粮食。更令人心寒的是，她丈夫是个残疾人。
七十年代，我的高中同学中，有些人先后参了军。其中多数复员回家当农民，只有少数“有幸”参加了对越“自卫反击战”的老兵，九死一生后，才提了干部，吃上了商品粮。战友们的血助他们跳出了农门。据说这是最后一批从战士中提干，以后部队干部均来自军校毕业生。
八十年代起，改革开放，农民工“盲流”大量涌入城市和沿海开放地区。长三角和珠三角地区的血汗工厂为维持中国二十多年的经济高增长和国家近两万亿美元的外汇储备贡献了决定性的力量。农民工贡献的不仅是力气，还有鲜血和生命。一张暂住证上浸满辛酸和屈辱的泪水。派出所、城管局或地方保安队（如东莞等地）常常半夜把农民工堵在民工宿舍里检查暂住证。不论你的身份证多么正规多么无暇，若无暂住证，罚款交钱没商量。若无钱，立马送往集中营强迫劳动。劳动三月后，赚够遣返费用，押上火车遣回老家。大学生孙志刚就因为受不了这一屈辱，把小命也搭上了。也正是孙志刚的血，换来公安遣返条例这一恶法的废除。
农民工没医保，没退休，没伤残保险，也没城里人的生活低保。病了、残了或老了，一句话，没有“使用价值”了，就没人要了，也没人管了。只有老家那一亩三分地，才是自己的栖息之所。而后生崽妹，象长江的浪，又一波接一波涌向城市，涌向沿海。所以劳务市场永远是资方市场。几亿农民工，老板召之即来，挥之即去。国家也没有任何负担。今日之金融危机怕什么？经济危机又怕什么？珠三角的工厂要关门？简单得很，关门了事。农民工亦工亦农，是世界上最容易辞退的劳工。资方不用补偿，政府不用负担，这就是咱们中国的优势！以前我还天真地以为：只要政府愿意，予农民以真正的公民地位，只是举手之劳的事。其实这中间的经济利益大了去了。细想想，若每个农民工甚至所有农民都能享受医保、退休保、伤残保和失业生活低保的话，国家的财政开支上将添上一个天文数字。政府能愿意吗？
子女上学难，是另一桩让农民工们焦心的事。不少农民工承认自己这辈子窝囊（出生不由己，道路无选择），但希望后代能像城里人一样体面地生活（其实城里人也并非都体面，亦有不少生活艰难者），挤“独木桥”便是不二选择。在首善之区的京城，农民工子女上学，那才叫个难！没有京城户口，外地人入学赞助费，岂是农民工们交得起的？自己因陋就简办学吧，又说办学条件不达标，每予取缔。可怜的孩子们只好打游击，打一枪换个地方。农民工也有和马丁·路德·金相同的梦想：唯望自己的子女能与城里的孩子们同室学习，不受歧视。
好不容易熬到高中毕业吧，还是因为没北京户口，只能回老家参加高考。凭心而论，首善之区的这一歧视政策并非仅仅针对农民工。据说连海归人员，若不交出护照（还想脚踏两只船？），也一样上不了户口，子女一样不能在京城高考。如此“一视同仁”，农民工们还有啥可抱怨的呢？
和美国黑人不同的是，中国农民解放前（解放了谁？）曾经有过迁往城市的自由。否则，沈从文就不能从湘西的山区挤入北京城，中国文学界就会少一个大师。毛泽东也不能走出韶山冲到长沙的橘子洲头中流击水。这样一个中国几千年、世界几百年才出现的天才，若被埋没在山沟里，中国革命的损失之巨大便可想而知。
在毛泽东的新社会，不经过高考而跻身城市的农民，也不能说绝对没有，陈永贵便是一例。小道消息称，“文盲宰相”永贵大叔一直没转正，一生都是个亦工亦农型的背米干部。此说证据不足，因陈氏晚年享有高级干部的退休待遇。农民有退休的吗？也许在华西？再说了，贵为副总理，转正与否都一样。正如开国初，毛泽东与一级教授的工资同档。他免费住丰泽园，出行有专列，中南海有特供，警卫勤务一大排，您说说，他那三百元和一级教授的三百元含金量等同吗？ 时间永是流驶，城乡依旧太平。孙志刚的那点血是不够的，正如煤的形成，不仅需要大量的木材，还需要绵长的时间。
五十年代至今，半个多世纪过去了。依照美国黑人的经验，再过一个世纪，中国的次等公民们应该能够转正了吧？同样依照黑人的经验，光有黑人自己的和平非暴力争取还不够，只有大多数白人觉悟了，觉得种族歧视的可耻，黑人取得公民权才会水到渠成。那么在中国，是不是要等到大多数城里人放弃相对于农村人的优越感而坚信人人生而平等，城乡二元结构才会有所“突破”呢？一如十七届三中全会公报所描绘的美好前景？只是这个“突破”会发生在二零二零年吗？而且“突破”与平等权利的彻底恢复之间又还有多长的路程？但愿农民们有足够的耐心！但愿“群体事件”不再发生！□ 寄自法国
何时恢复中国农民的平等权利？——奥巴马当选随想
·马失途·
From CND.org
从林肯解放黑奴到马丁·路德·金的民权运动，再到今次奥巴马当选总统，经过一个半世纪一步一个脚印的努力，美国黑人的社会地位终于取得了长足的进步。
在咱们中国，存不存在种（民）族歧视甚或种（民）族隔离呢？这个问题比较新鲜。尽管西方政要和人权活动家们爱把眼光聚焦在中国的少数民族地区，并提出种种质疑和批评，但中国少数民族受歧视之说却证据不足。笔者倒有几个反例。
那还是八十年代初，笔者所在的学校为“公平”分配房子，所有教职员工一律按分数排队。影响计分的变量中，除了职务、职称和工龄等外，还有一项就是民族籍别：少数民族加两分，等值于两年的工龄。这对青年教职工太重要了，两分之差可要管一大排人！于是，一位家住湖北宜昌地区的同事从家乡开来证明，一下子成了土家族！
恢复高考后，各省市间起分线差异很大。一般来说，少数民族和边远地区受照顾。前些年，我有几个堂侄举家移民青海省打工，主要目的就是为了子女的高考优势（内地的竞争实在太激烈）。内地移去的人多了，居然产生了一个新名词：高考移民。至于北京、上海等大城市也受到照顾，笔者愚昧，实在想不出受照顾的理由。农民工若想往北京上海“高考移民”，那简直是大白天说梦话。外地城市人口进京尚且难上加难，农民工？甭谈！
从七十年代起，中国实行严格的计划生育政策。在城市里，哪怕贵为中央委员，生第二胎也不可能。只有少数民族例外。有一位朋友，他的老哥当年生了第二胎，有失去工作的危险。幸亏有一半满族血统，才得以解危。满人自入关后，逐渐被汉人同化。至民国再到中华人民共和国，满汉差别已消失殆尽。满族人之“复满”，大约是拨乱反正以后的事。既然有分房、招生、生育等诸多优越性，何乐而不为？当年的我，因职称低工龄短（回乡劳动不算工龄，除非是民办教师。下乡知青算工龄，但此“工龄”仅分房有效）而分不到单门独户的房子，只能与校办机械厂一青工合居一套两室一厅，不知有多别扭。若能加上两分，慢说是土家族，把我改成鄂伦春族我也求之不得（对不起，鄂伦春族的同胞们别见怪）！
综上所述，似乎可结论如下：在中国，基本不存在种（民）族歧视，至少在生存权范围内如此（个人意见，不代表组织）。
但若把“种族”或“民族”二字改为“户籍”，那么歧视和隔离在天朝不仅存在，而且还很严重。 自解放以来，严格地说自五十年代以来，中国农民就失去了迁徒自由，尤其在农村和城市间横出一道虽看不见但却不可逾越的鸿沟，比柏林墙或巴以隔离墙还管用。城里人犯了事，就发配农村劳动，比如五七年之右派流放和文革中称为“牛棚”的五七干校。文革中更有高招，为保证大城市的“纯洁”，有“问题”的家庭统统下放，还美其名曰“我们也有两只手，不在城里吃闲饭”。更不用说千万知青上山下乡。林副统帅称之为“变相劳改”，其实就是百分之百的劳改。中国农村是什么？说穿了，整个一俄罗斯的西伯利亚。而农村人若想逆向流进城市，那比蜀道还要难百倍。唯一的途径是高考。所以至今仍是千军万马挤独木桥，亿万鲤鱼跳“龙”门。除少数幸运者外，绝大部分农民的后代只能继承父母的农业户口，努力修补地球。
六十年代中期，我姐姐的一位闺中好友嫁到了附近的小城镇，却没吃到商品粮，而且连小孩也上不了城镇户口，因子女户口随母亲。所以隔三差五地总跑回娘家背粮食。更令人心寒的是，她丈夫是个残疾人。
七十年代，我的高中同学中，有些人先后参了军。其中多数复员回家当农民，只有少数“有幸”参加了对越“自卫反击战”的老兵，九死一生后，才提了干部，吃上了商品粮。战友们的血助他们跳出了农门。据说这是最后一批从战士中提干，以后部队干部均来自军校毕业生。
八十年代起，改革开放，农民工“盲流”大量涌入城市和沿海开放地区。长三角和珠三角地区的血汗工厂为维持中国二十多年的经济高增长和国家近两万亿美元的外汇储备贡献了决定性的力量。农民工贡献的不仅是力气，还有鲜血和生命。一张暂住证上浸满辛酸和屈辱的泪水。派出所、城管局或地方保安队（如东莞等地）常常半夜把农民工堵在民工宿舍里检查暂住证。不论你的身份证多么正规多么无暇，若无暂住证，罚款交钱没商量。若无钱，立马送往集中营强迫劳动。劳动三月后，赚够遣返费用，押上火车遣回老家。大学生孙志刚就因为受不了这一屈辱，把小命也搭上了。也正是孙志刚的血，换来公安遣返条例这一恶法的废除。
农民工没医保，没退休，没伤残保险，也没城里人的生活低保。病了、残了或老了，一句话，没有“使用价值”了，就没人要了，也没人管了。只有老家那一亩三分地，才是自己的栖息之所。而后生崽妹，象长江的浪，又一波接一波涌向城市，涌向沿海。所以劳务市场永远是资方市场。几亿农民工，老板召之即来，挥之即去。国家也没有任何负担。今日之金融危机怕什么？经济危机又怕什么？珠三角的工厂要关门？简单得很，关门了事。农民工亦工亦农，是世界上最容易辞退的劳工。资方不用补偿，政府不用负担，这就是咱们中国的优势！以前我还天真地以为：只要政府愿意，予农民以真正的公民地位，只是举手之劳的事。其实这中间的经济利益大了去了。细想想，若每个农民工甚至所有农民都能享受医保、退休保、伤残保和失业生活低保的话，国家的财政开支上将添上一个天文数字。政府能愿意吗？
子女上学难，是另一桩让农民工们焦心的事。不少农民工承认自己这辈子窝囊（出生不由己，道路无选择），但希望后代能像城里人一样体面地生活（其实城里人也并非都体面，亦有不少生活艰难者），挤“独木桥”便是不二选择。在首善之区的京城，农民工子女上学，那才叫个难！没有京城户口，外地人入学赞助费，岂是农民工们交得起的？自己因陋就简办学吧，又说办学条件不达标，每予取缔。可怜的孩子们只好打游击，打一枪换个地方。农民工也有和马丁·路德·金相同的梦想：唯望自己的子女能与城里的孩子们同室学习，不受歧视。
好不容易熬到高中毕业吧，还是因为没北京户口，只能回老家参加高考。凭心而论，首善之区的这一歧视政策并非仅仅针对农民工。据说连海归人员，若不交出护照（还想脚踏两只船？），也一样上不了户口，子女一样不能在京城高考。如此“一视同仁”，农民工们还有啥可抱怨的呢？
和美国黑人不同的是，中国农民解放前（解放了谁？）曾经有过迁往城市的自由。否则，沈从文就不能从湘西的山区挤入北京城，中国文学界就会少一个大师。毛泽东也不能走出韶山冲到长沙的橘子洲头中流击水。这样一个中国几千年、世界几百年才出现的天才，若被埋没在山沟里，中国革命的损失之巨大便可想而知。
在毛泽东的新社会，不经过高考而跻身城市的农民，也不能说绝对没有，陈永贵便是一例。小道消息称，“文盲宰相”永贵大叔一直没转正，一生都是个亦工亦农型的背米干部。此说证据不足，因陈氏晚年享有高级干部的退休待遇。农民有退休的吗？也许在华西？再说了，贵为副总理，转正与否都一样。正如开国初，毛泽东与一级教授的工资同档。他免费住丰泽园，出行有专列，中南海有特供，警卫勤务一大排，您说说，他那三百元和一级教授的三百元含金量等同吗？ 时间永是流驶，城乡依旧太平。孙志刚的那点血是不够的，正如煤的形成，不仅需要大量的木材，还需要绵长的时间。
五十年代至今，半个多世纪过去了。依照美国黑人的经验，再过一个世纪，中国的次等公民们应该能够转正了吧？同样依照黑人的经验，光有黑人自己的和平非暴力争取还不够，只有大多数白人觉悟了，觉得种族歧视的可耻，黑人取得公民权才会水到渠成。那么在中国，是不是要等到大多数城里人放弃相对于农村人的优越感而坚信人人生而平等，城乡二元结构才会有所“突破”呢？一如十七届三中全会公报所描绘的美好前景？只是这个“突破”会发生在二零二零年吗？而且“突破”与平等权利的彻底恢复之间又还有多长的路程？但愿农民们有足够的耐心！但愿“群体事件”不再发生！□ 寄自法国
Chinese American: Model Minority?
Discrediting the "Model Minority" Stereotype
Study finds that while Chinese American adults are twice as likely as U.S.average to hold college degrees, Chinese Americans graduate from high schoolat lower rate than other youth.
November 13, 2008
Discrediting the "Model Minority" Stereotype
Chinese Americans are not as homogeneous as they are sometimes portrayed ?br> this is particularly apparent in their college-going rates and enrollmentpatterns
?according to a new study from the Asian American Studies Programat University of Maryland at College Park and the Organization of ChineseAmericans.
"Some of the popular beliefs about Chinese Americans simply don't withstandour findings, as you might expect with most stereotypes," Larry H.Shinegawa, director of the Asian American Studies Program at Maryland andco-author of the study, said in a press release.More than half ?51.7 percent ?of Chinese Americans 25 or older have earnedsome sort of college degree. This is, proportionally, nearly twice as muchas the rest of the U.S. population, 27 percent of whom have a collegedegree. In contrast, 18.5 percent of Chinese Americans have not graduatedfrom high school, compared to 15.9 percent of the general population. AmongAsian Americans, they have the second highest proportion of individualswithout a high school degree. Only Vietnamese Americans, at 27.8 percent,are less likely to graduate high school.
Shinegawa said there could be any number of reasons for this disparity. Hechalks some of these figures up to generational differences among ChineseAmericans. Newer immigrants to the United States, he noted, contributegreatly to the number of individuals without high school diplomas. Moreover,he said, as immigrant families reunite, those who are more recent immigrantsmay not have the educational attainment of their relatives who immigratedearlier.Shinegawa said he expects the number of Chinese Americans with a collegedegree to decline in the future, considering the high percentage of thosewithout a high school diploma currently. Additionally, he said the collegegraduation rates for those beyond the first generation will also probablyfall as the percentages regress toward the mean of the rest of the U.S.population.
The study also finds that Chinese Americans cluster at a small number ofcolleges and universities in the United States.
Shinegawa said about 85percent of all Chinese Americans attend only three percent of all the highereducation institutions in the United States. While data are not availablenow on the specific institutions Chinese Americans are most likely to attend?Maryland's Asian Studies Program plans to release a follow-up study onthis phenomenon next year ?Shinegawa said a map pinpointing theseinstitutions would have institutions almost entirely marked along thecoasts, with a few scattered throughout the rest of the country.He added that ?contributing to this phenomenon ?the children ofworking-class parents tend to attend public institutions near their homes,while children of middle-class parents tend to attend more prestigiousinstitutions that might not necessarily be near their homes.Socioeconomic status further diversifies the quality of educationalattainment. Working-class and middle-class Chinese Americans, the studyfinds, not only live in different places but send their children todifferent types of postsecondary institutions, if they do at all.Working-class Chinese Americans typically live in "ethnic enclaves" in urbanareas and are more likely to send their children to "lower-tier publiccolleges and universities." By contrast, middle-class Chinese Americans livein "suburbs and ethnoburbs" ?suburban areas with a high concentration of acertain ethnic minority ?and are more likely to send their children to"top-tier public universities and select Ivy League institutions."Lin said when looking at more prestigious institutions, first-generationChinese American are overrepresented and those within U.S.-born generationstend to be either slightly underrepresented or proportionally represented.This, he said, is probably because of "selective migration" ?the notionthat many first-generation immigrants, who have the means to immigrate, arelikely to achieve greater educational success.After Chinese Americans graduate from college, the study finds that theyearn less than non-Hispanic whites in every group of educational attainment?those who did not graduate from high school, high school graduates, thosewith some college, college graduates and advanced-degree graduates. Forexample, Chinese Americans with bachelors degrees have an average income of$55,571, while non-Hispanic Whites with the same credentials earn $62,285.The average income for those with a bachelors degree in the generalpopulation is $59,344.Additionally, Lin noted overall disparities and inequities exist for ChineseAmerican faculty members in higher education. He said Chinese Americans areoverrepresented in entry-level and pre-tenure positions ?especially whenconsidering the fields of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics?but underrepresented in tenured and administrative positions. He said thelack of Chinese American leaders and mentors in the professional world islikely to blame for the both the ethnic group's lower average income thannon-Hispanic whites and underrepresentation in upper-level positions inhigher education?David Moltz
Study finds that while Chinese American adults are twice as likely as U.S.average to hold college degrees, Chinese Americans graduate from high schoolat lower rate than other youth.
November 13, 2008
Discrediting the "Model Minority" Stereotype
Chinese Americans are not as homogeneous as they are sometimes portrayed ?br> this is particularly apparent in their college-going rates and enrollmentpatterns
?according to a new study from the Asian American Studies Programat University of Maryland at College Park and the Organization of ChineseAmericans.
"Some of the popular beliefs about Chinese Americans simply don't withstandour findings, as you might expect with most stereotypes," Larry H.Shinegawa, director of the Asian American Studies Program at Maryland andco-author of the study, said in a press release.More than half ?51.7 percent ?of Chinese Americans 25 or older have earnedsome sort of college degree. This is, proportionally, nearly twice as muchas the rest of the U.S. population, 27 percent of whom have a collegedegree. In contrast, 18.5 percent of Chinese Americans have not graduatedfrom high school, compared to 15.9 percent of the general population. AmongAsian Americans, they have the second highest proportion of individualswithout a high school degree. Only Vietnamese Americans, at 27.8 percent,are less likely to graduate high school.
Shinegawa said there could be any number of reasons for this disparity. Hechalks some of these figures up to generational differences among ChineseAmericans. Newer immigrants to the United States, he noted, contributegreatly to the number of individuals without high school diplomas. Moreover,he said, as immigrant families reunite, those who are more recent immigrantsmay not have the educational attainment of their relatives who immigratedearlier.Shinegawa said he expects the number of Chinese Americans with a collegedegree to decline in the future, considering the high percentage of thosewithout a high school diploma currently. Additionally, he said the collegegraduation rates for those beyond the first generation will also probablyfall as the percentages regress toward the mean of the rest of the U.S.population.
The study also finds that Chinese Americans cluster at a small number ofcolleges and universities in the United States.
Shinegawa said about 85percent of all Chinese Americans attend only three percent of all the highereducation institutions in the United States. While data are not availablenow on the specific institutions Chinese Americans are most likely to attend?Maryland's Asian Studies Program plans to release a follow-up study onthis phenomenon next year ?Shinegawa said a map pinpointing theseinstitutions would have institutions almost entirely marked along thecoasts, with a few scattered throughout the rest of the country.He added that ?contributing to this phenomenon ?the children ofworking-class parents tend to attend public institutions near their homes,while children of middle-class parents tend to attend more prestigiousinstitutions that might not necessarily be near their homes.Socioeconomic status further diversifies the quality of educationalattainment. Working-class and middle-class Chinese Americans, the studyfinds, not only live in different places but send their children todifferent types of postsecondary institutions, if they do at all.Working-class Chinese Americans typically live in "ethnic enclaves" in urbanareas and are more likely to send their children to "lower-tier publiccolleges and universities." By contrast, middle-class Chinese Americans livein "suburbs and ethnoburbs" ?suburban areas with a high concentration of acertain ethnic minority ?and are more likely to send their children to"top-tier public universities and select Ivy League institutions."Lin said when looking at more prestigious institutions, first-generationChinese American are overrepresented and those within U.S.-born generationstend to be either slightly underrepresented or proportionally represented.This, he said, is probably because of "selective migration" ?the notionthat many first-generation immigrants, who have the means to immigrate, arelikely to achieve greater educational success.After Chinese Americans graduate from college, the study finds that theyearn less than non-Hispanic whites in every group of educational attainment?those who did not graduate from high school, high school graduates, thosewith some college, college graduates and advanced-degree graduates. Forexample, Chinese Americans with bachelors degrees have an average income of$55,571, while non-Hispanic Whites with the same credentials earn $62,285.The average income for those with a bachelors degree in the generalpopulation is $59,344.Additionally, Lin noted overall disparities and inequities exist for ChineseAmerican faculty members in higher education. He said Chinese Americans areoverrepresented in entry-level and pre-tenure positions ?especially whenconsidering the fields of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics?but underrepresented in tenured and administrative positions. He said thelack of Chinese American leaders and mentors in the professional world islikely to blame for the both the ethnic group's lower average income thannon-Hispanic whites and underrepresentation in upper-level positions inhigher education?David Moltz
2008年11月6日星期四
奥巴马获胜演讲全文 Barack Obama speech
如果还有人对美国是否凡事都有可能存疑，还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们所处的时代是否依然鲜活，还有人质疑我们的民主制度的力量，那么今晚，这些问题都有了答案。
这是设在学校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未见的长队给出的答案；是等了三四个小时的选民所给出的答案，其中许多人都是有生以来第一次投票，因为他们认定这一次肯定会不一样，认为自己的声音会是这次大选有别于以往之所在。这是所有美国人民共同给出的答案－－无论老少贫富，无论是民主党还是共和党，无论是黑人、白人、拉美裔、亚裔、原住民，是同性恋者还是异性恋者、残疾人还是健全人－－我们从来不是“红州”和“蓝州”的对立阵营，我们是美利坚合众国这个整体，永远都是。
长久以来，很多人一再受到告诫，要对我们所能取得的成绩极尽讽刺、担忧和怀疑之能事，但这个答案让这些人伸出手来把握历史，再次让它朝向美好明天的希望延伸。已经过去了这么长时间，但今晚，由于我们在今天、在这场大选中、在这个具有决定性的时刻所做的，美国已经迎来了变革。
我刚刚接到了麦凯恩参议员极具风度的致电。他在这场大选中经过了长时间的努力奋斗，而他为自己所深爱的这个国家奋斗的时间更长、过程更艰辛。他为美国做出了我们大多数人难以想像的牺牲，我们的生活也因这位勇敢无私的领袖所做出的贡献而变得更美好。我向他和佩林州长所取得的成绩表示祝贺，我也期待着与他们一起在未来的岁月中为复兴这个国家的希望而共同努力。
我要感谢我在这次旅程中的伙伴－－已当选美国副总统的拜登。他全心参与竞选活动，为普通民众代言，他们是他在斯克兰顿从小到大的伙伴，也是在他回特拉华的火车上遇到的男男女女。如果没有一个人的坚决支持，我今晚就不会站在这里，她是我过去16年来最好的朋友、是我们一家人的中坚和我一生的挚爱，更是我们国家的下一位第一夫人：米歇尔·奥巴马(Michelle Obama)。萨莎(Sasha)和玛丽亚(Malia)，我太爱你们两个了，你们已经得到了一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入驻白宫。虽然我的外祖母已经不在了，但我知道她与我的亲人肯定都在看着我，因为他们，我才能拥有今天的成就。今晚，我想念他们，我知道自己欠他们的无可计量。我的竞选经理大卫·普劳夫(David Plouffe)、首席策略师大卫·艾克斯罗德(David Axelrod)以及政治史上最好的竞选团队－－是你们成就了今天，我永远感激你们为实现今天的成就所做出的牺牲。
但最重要的是，我永远不会忘记这场胜利真正的归属－－它属于你们。我从来不是最有希望的候选人。一开始，我们没有太多资金，也没有得到太多人的支持。我们的竞选活动并非诞生于华盛顿的高门华第之内，而是始于得梅因、康科德、查尔斯顿这些地方的普通民众家中。我们的竞选活动能有今天的规模，是因为辛勤工作的人们从自己的微薄积蓄中拿出钱来，捐出一笔又一笔5美元、10美元、20美元。而竞选活动的声势越来越大则是源自那些年轻人，他们拒绝接受认为他们这代人冷漠的荒诞说法；他们离开家、离开亲人，从事报酬微薄、极其辛苦的工作；同时也源自那些已经不算年轻的人们，他们冒着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门进行竞选宣传；更源自数百万的美国民众，他们自动自发地组织起来，证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。
我知道你们的所做所为并不只是为了赢得大选，我也知道你们做这一切并不是为了我。你们这样做是因为你们明白摆在面前的任务有多艰巨。因为即便我们今晚欢呼庆祝，我们也知道明天将面临我们一生之中最为艰巨的挑战－－两场战争、一个面临危险的星球，还有百年来最严重的金融危机。今晚站在此地，我们知道伊拉克的沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中还有勇敢的美国士兵醒来，甘冒生命危险保护着我们。会有在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠的父母，担心如何偿还按揭月供、付医药费或是存够钱送孩子上大学。我们亟待开发新能源、创造新的工作机会；我们需要修建新学校，还要应对众多威胁、修复与许多国家的关系。前方的道路会十分漫长艰辛。我们可能无法在一年甚至一届任期之内实现上述目标，但我从未像今晚这样满怀希望，相信我们会实现。我向你们承诺－－我们作为一个整体将会达成目标。我们会遭遇挫折和不成功的开端。对于我作为总统所做的每项决定和政策，会有许多人持有异议，我们也知道政府并不能解决所有问题。但我会向你们坦陈我们所面临的挑战。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见相左之时。
最重要的是，我会请求你们参与重建这个国家，以美国221年来从未改变的唯一方式——一砖一瓦、胼手胝足。21个月前那个寒冬所开始的一切不应该在今天这个秋夜结束。今天的选举胜利并不是我们所寻求的改变－－这只是我们进行改变的机会。而且如果我们仍然按照旧有方式行事，我们所寻求的改变不可能出现。没有你们，也不可能有这种改变。因此，让我们发扬新的爱国精神，树立新的服务意识和责任感，让我们每个人下定决心全情投入、更加努力地工作，并彼此关爱。让我们铭记这场金融危机带来的教训：我们不可能在金融以外的领域备受煎熬的同时拥有繁荣兴旺的华尔街－－在这个国家，我们患难与共。让我们抵制重走老路的诱惑，避免重新回到令美国政治长期深受毒害的党派纷争和由此引发的遗憾和不成熟表现。
让我们牢记，正是伊利诺伊州的一名男子首次将共和党的大旗扛到了白宫。共和党是建立在自强自立、个人自由以及全民团结的价值观上，这也是我们所有人都珍视的价值。虽然民主党今天晚上赢得了巨大的胜利，但我们是以谦卑的态度和弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧的决心赢得这场胜利的。林肯在向远比我们眼下分歧更大的国家发表讲话时说，我们不是敌人，而是朋友……虽然激情可能褪去，但是这不会割断我们感情上的联系。对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，或许我没有赢得你们的选票，但是我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，而且我也将是你们的总统。那些彻夜关注美国大选的海外人士，从国会到皇宫，以及在这个世界被遗忘的角落里挤在收音机旁的人们，我们的经历虽然各有不同，但是我们的命运是相通的，新的美国领袖诞生了。
那些想要颠覆这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。那些追求和平和安全的人们，我们支持你们。那些所有怀疑美国能否继续照亮世界发展前景的人们，今天晚上我们再次证明，我们国家真正的力量并非来自我们武器的威力或财富的规模，而是来自我们理想的持久力量：民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。这才是美国真正的精华－－美国能够改变。我们的联邦会日臻完善。我们取得的成就为我们将来能够取得的以及必须取得的成就增添了希望。
这次大选创造了多项“第一”，也诞生了很多将世代流传的故事。但是今天晚上令我难忘的却是在亚特兰大投票的一名妇女：安·尼克松·库波尔(Ann Nixon Cooper)。她和其他数百万排队等待投票的选民没有什么差别，除了一点：她已是106岁的高龄。她出生的那个时代奴隶制度刚刚结束；那时路上没有汽车，天上也没有飞机；当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票——一是她是女性，另一个原因是她的肤色。今天晚上，我想到了她在美国过去一百年间所经历的种种：心痛和希望；挣扎和进步；那些我们被告知我们办不到的世代，以及那些坚信美国信条——是的，我们能做到──的人们。
曾几何时，妇女没有发言权，她们的希望化作泡影，但是安·尼克松·库波尔活了下来，看到妇女们站了起来，看到她们大声发表自己的见解，看到她们去参加大选投票。
是的，我们能做到。
当30年代的沙尘暴和大萧条引发人们的绝望之情时，她看到一个国家用罗斯福新政、新就业机会以及对新目标的共同追求战胜恐慌。是的，我们能做到。当炸弹袭击了我们的海港、独裁专制威胁到全世界，她见证了美国一代人的伟大崛起，见证了一个民主国家被拯救。
是的，我们能做到。
她看到蒙哥马利通了公共汽车、伯明翰接上了水管、塞尔马建了桥，一位来自亚特兰大的传教士告诉人们：我们能成功。是的，我们能做到。人类登上月球、柏林墙倒下，世界因我们的科学和想像被连接在一起。今年，就在这次选举中，她用手指触碰屏幕投下自己的选票，因为在美国生活了106年之后，经历了最好的时光和最黑暗的时刻之后，她知道美国如何能够发生变革。
是的，我们能做到。
美国，我们已经走过漫漫长路。我们已经历了很多。但是我们仍有很多事情要做。因此今夜，让我们自问——如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪；如果我们的女儿有幸活得和安一样长，他们将会看到怎样的改变？我们将会取得怎样的进步？现在是我们回答这个问题的机会。
这是我们的时刻。
这是我们的时代——让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的后代敞开机会的大门；
恢复繁荣发展，推进和平事业；
让“美国梦”重新焕发光芒，再次证明这样一个基本的真理：
我们是一家人；一息尚存，我们就有希望；
当我们遇到嘲讽和怀疑，当有人说我们办不到的时候，我们要以这个永恒的信条来回应他们：
是的，我们能做到。
感谢你们。上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
□ 华尔街日报中文版
～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～
Barack Obama speech
Full text of Barack Obama's speech
November 4, 2008
If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.
It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.
It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled -- Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America.
It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.
It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.
I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the Vice President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.
I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last sixteen years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation's next First Lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House. And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.
To my campaign manager David Plouffe, my chief strategist David Axelrod, and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics -- you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to -- it belongs to you.I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington -- it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this Earth.
This is your victory.I know you didn't do this just to win an election and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime -- two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor's bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.
The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one term, but America -- I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you -- we as a people will get there.There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as President, and we know that government can't solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years -- block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek -- it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were.
It cannot happen without you.So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers -- in this country, we rise or fall as one nation; as one people.Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House -- a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and national unity.
Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, "We are not enemies, but friends…though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection." And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn -- I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your President too.And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world -- our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this world down -- we will defeat you.
To those who seek peace and security -- we support you. And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright --tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope.For that is the true genius of America -- that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations.
But one that's on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing -- Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons -- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.
Yes we can.
When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "We Shall Overcome."
Yes we can.
A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes we can.America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?
This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time -- to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth
-- that out of many, we are one;
that while we breathe, we hope,
and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people:
Yes We Can.
Thank you, God bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America.
这是设在学校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未见的长队给出的答案；是等了三四个小时的选民所给出的答案，其中许多人都是有生以来第一次投票，因为他们认定这一次肯定会不一样，认为自己的声音会是这次大选有别于以往之所在。这是所有美国人民共同给出的答案－－无论老少贫富，无论是民主党还是共和党，无论是黑人、白人、拉美裔、亚裔、原住民，是同性恋者还是异性恋者、残疾人还是健全人－－我们从来不是“红州”和“蓝州”的对立阵营，我们是美利坚合众国这个整体，永远都是。
长久以来，很多人一再受到告诫，要对我们所能取得的成绩极尽讽刺、担忧和怀疑之能事，但这个答案让这些人伸出手来把握历史，再次让它朝向美好明天的希望延伸。已经过去了这么长时间，但今晚，由于我们在今天、在这场大选中、在这个具有决定性的时刻所做的，美国已经迎来了变革。
我刚刚接到了麦凯恩参议员极具风度的致电。他在这场大选中经过了长时间的努力奋斗，而他为自己所深爱的这个国家奋斗的时间更长、过程更艰辛。他为美国做出了我们大多数人难以想像的牺牲，我们的生活也因这位勇敢无私的领袖所做出的贡献而变得更美好。我向他和佩林州长所取得的成绩表示祝贺，我也期待着与他们一起在未来的岁月中为复兴这个国家的希望而共同努力。
我要感谢我在这次旅程中的伙伴－－已当选美国副总统的拜登。他全心参与竞选活动，为普通民众代言，他们是他在斯克兰顿从小到大的伙伴，也是在他回特拉华的火车上遇到的男男女女。如果没有一个人的坚决支持，我今晚就不会站在这里，她是我过去16年来最好的朋友、是我们一家人的中坚和我一生的挚爱，更是我们国家的下一位第一夫人：米歇尔·奥巴马(Michelle Obama)。萨莎(Sasha)和玛丽亚(Malia)，我太爱你们两个了，你们已经得到了一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入驻白宫。虽然我的外祖母已经不在了，但我知道她与我的亲人肯定都在看着我，因为他们，我才能拥有今天的成就。今晚，我想念他们，我知道自己欠他们的无可计量。我的竞选经理大卫·普劳夫(David Plouffe)、首席策略师大卫·艾克斯罗德(David Axelrod)以及政治史上最好的竞选团队－－是你们成就了今天，我永远感激你们为实现今天的成就所做出的牺牲。
但最重要的是，我永远不会忘记这场胜利真正的归属－－它属于你们。我从来不是最有希望的候选人。一开始，我们没有太多资金，也没有得到太多人的支持。我们的竞选活动并非诞生于华盛顿的高门华第之内，而是始于得梅因、康科德、查尔斯顿这些地方的普通民众家中。我们的竞选活动能有今天的规模，是因为辛勤工作的人们从自己的微薄积蓄中拿出钱来，捐出一笔又一笔5美元、10美元、20美元。而竞选活动的声势越来越大则是源自那些年轻人，他们拒绝接受认为他们这代人冷漠的荒诞说法；他们离开家、离开亲人，从事报酬微薄、极其辛苦的工作；同时也源自那些已经不算年轻的人们，他们冒着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门进行竞选宣传；更源自数百万的美国民众，他们自动自发地组织起来，证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。
我知道你们的所做所为并不只是为了赢得大选，我也知道你们做这一切并不是为了我。你们这样做是因为你们明白摆在面前的任务有多艰巨。因为即便我们今晚欢呼庆祝，我们也知道明天将面临我们一生之中最为艰巨的挑战－－两场战争、一个面临危险的星球，还有百年来最严重的金融危机。今晚站在此地，我们知道伊拉克的沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中还有勇敢的美国士兵醒来，甘冒生命危险保护着我们。会有在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠的父母，担心如何偿还按揭月供、付医药费或是存够钱送孩子上大学。我们亟待开发新能源、创造新的工作机会；我们需要修建新学校，还要应对众多威胁、修复与许多国家的关系。前方的道路会十分漫长艰辛。我们可能无法在一年甚至一届任期之内实现上述目标，但我从未像今晚这样满怀希望，相信我们会实现。我向你们承诺－－我们作为一个整体将会达成目标。我们会遭遇挫折和不成功的开端。对于我作为总统所做的每项决定和政策，会有许多人持有异议，我们也知道政府并不能解决所有问题。但我会向你们坦陈我们所面临的挑战。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见相左之时。
最重要的是，我会请求你们参与重建这个国家，以美国221年来从未改变的唯一方式——一砖一瓦、胼手胝足。21个月前那个寒冬所开始的一切不应该在今天这个秋夜结束。今天的选举胜利并不是我们所寻求的改变－－这只是我们进行改变的机会。而且如果我们仍然按照旧有方式行事，我们所寻求的改变不可能出现。没有你们，也不可能有这种改变。因此，让我们发扬新的爱国精神，树立新的服务意识和责任感，让我们每个人下定决心全情投入、更加努力地工作，并彼此关爱。让我们铭记这场金融危机带来的教训：我们不可能在金融以外的领域备受煎熬的同时拥有繁荣兴旺的华尔街－－在这个国家，我们患难与共。让我们抵制重走老路的诱惑，避免重新回到令美国政治长期深受毒害的党派纷争和由此引发的遗憾和不成熟表现。
让我们牢记，正是伊利诺伊州的一名男子首次将共和党的大旗扛到了白宫。共和党是建立在自强自立、个人自由以及全民团结的价值观上，这也是我们所有人都珍视的价值。虽然民主党今天晚上赢得了巨大的胜利，但我们是以谦卑的态度和弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧的决心赢得这场胜利的。林肯在向远比我们眼下分歧更大的国家发表讲话时说，我们不是敌人，而是朋友……虽然激情可能褪去，但是这不会割断我们感情上的联系。对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，或许我没有赢得你们的选票，但是我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，而且我也将是你们的总统。那些彻夜关注美国大选的海外人士，从国会到皇宫，以及在这个世界被遗忘的角落里挤在收音机旁的人们，我们的经历虽然各有不同，但是我们的命运是相通的，新的美国领袖诞生了。
那些想要颠覆这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。那些追求和平和安全的人们，我们支持你们。那些所有怀疑美国能否继续照亮世界发展前景的人们，今天晚上我们再次证明，我们国家真正的力量并非来自我们武器的威力或财富的规模，而是来自我们理想的持久力量：民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。这才是美国真正的精华－－美国能够改变。我们的联邦会日臻完善。我们取得的成就为我们将来能够取得的以及必须取得的成就增添了希望。
这次大选创造了多项“第一”，也诞生了很多将世代流传的故事。但是今天晚上令我难忘的却是在亚特兰大投票的一名妇女：安·尼克松·库波尔(Ann Nixon Cooper)。她和其他数百万排队等待投票的选民没有什么差别，除了一点：她已是106岁的高龄。她出生的那个时代奴隶制度刚刚结束；那时路上没有汽车，天上也没有飞机；当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票——一是她是女性，另一个原因是她的肤色。今天晚上，我想到了她在美国过去一百年间所经历的种种：心痛和希望；挣扎和进步；那些我们被告知我们办不到的世代，以及那些坚信美国信条——是的，我们能做到──的人们。
曾几何时，妇女没有发言权，她们的希望化作泡影，但是安·尼克松·库波尔活了下来，看到妇女们站了起来，看到她们大声发表自己的见解，看到她们去参加大选投票。
是的，我们能做到。
当30年代的沙尘暴和大萧条引发人们的绝望之情时，她看到一个国家用罗斯福新政、新就业机会以及对新目标的共同追求战胜恐慌。是的，我们能做到。当炸弹袭击了我们的海港、独裁专制威胁到全世界，她见证了美国一代人的伟大崛起，见证了一个民主国家被拯救。
是的，我们能做到。
她看到蒙哥马利通了公共汽车、伯明翰接上了水管、塞尔马建了桥，一位来自亚特兰大的传教士告诉人们：我们能成功。是的，我们能做到。人类登上月球、柏林墙倒下，世界因我们的科学和想像被连接在一起。今年，就在这次选举中，她用手指触碰屏幕投下自己的选票，因为在美国生活了106年之后，经历了最好的时光和最黑暗的时刻之后，她知道美国如何能够发生变革。
是的，我们能做到。
美国，我们已经走过漫漫长路。我们已经历了很多。但是我们仍有很多事情要做。因此今夜，让我们自问——如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪；如果我们的女儿有幸活得和安一样长，他们将会看到怎样的改变？我们将会取得怎样的进步？现在是我们回答这个问题的机会。
这是我们的时刻。
这是我们的时代——让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的后代敞开机会的大门；
恢复繁荣发展，推进和平事业；
让“美国梦”重新焕发光芒，再次证明这样一个基本的真理：
我们是一家人；一息尚存，我们就有希望；
当我们遇到嘲讽和怀疑，当有人说我们办不到的时候，我们要以这个永恒的信条来回应他们：
是的，我们能做到。
感谢你们。上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
□ 华尔街日报中文版
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Barack Obama speech
Full text of Barack Obama's speech
November 4, 2008
If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.
It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.
It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled -- Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been a collection of Red States and Blue States: we are, and always will be, the United States of America.
It's the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.
It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.
I just received a very gracious call from Senator McCain. He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he's fought even longer and harder for the country he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader. I congratulate him and Governor Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the Vice President-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.
I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last sixteen years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation's next First Lady, Michelle Obama. Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the White House. And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.
To my campaign manager David Plouffe, my chief strategist David Axelrod, and the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics -- you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to -- it belongs to you.I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington -- it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give five dollars and ten dollars and twenty dollars to this cause. It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered, and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this Earth.
This is your victory.I know you didn't do this just to win an election and I know you didn't do it for me. You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime -- two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century. Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us. There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor's bills, or save enough for college. There is new energy to harness and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.
The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even one term, but America -- I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there. I promise you -- we as a people will get there.There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as President, and we know that government can't solve every problem. But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it's been done in America for two-hundred and twenty-one years -- block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.What began twenty-one months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night. This victory alone is not the change we seek -- it is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were.
It cannot happen without you.So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other. Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers -- in this country, we rise or fall as one nation; as one people.Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long. Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House -- a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty, and national unity.
Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress. As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, "We are not enemies, but friends…though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection." And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn -- I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your President too.And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world -- our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand. To those who would tear this world down -- we will defeat you.
To those who seek peace and security -- we support you. And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright --tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from our the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope.For that is the true genius of America -- that America can change. Our union can be perfected. And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations.
But one that's on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing -- Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons -- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.
Yes we can.
When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "We Shall Overcome."
Yes we can.
A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination. And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change. Yes we can.America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?
This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment. This is our time -- to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth
-- that out of many, we are one;
that while we breathe, we hope,
and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people:
Yes We Can.
Thank you, God bless you, and may God Bless the United States of America.
马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦 Martin Luther King: I Have A Dream
按语： 1963年8月28日，逾二十万美国人聚集于美国首都，为全体人民同享公正在林肯纪念堂和华盛顿纪念馆之间的林荫道上以和平集会方式举行示威。在当天激动人心的演说中，小马丁·路德·金的《我有一个梦》这篇演讲尤其扣人心弦。他用高昂雄辩的言语自觉地将宗教修辞与人们耳熟能详的爱国主义象征熔为一炉，表达了一种对理想世界的预言和振奋人心的观念。这篇《我有一个梦》演说词作为对民权运动目标的精辟阐述迅速进入了美国语言和全民意识。
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马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦
1963年8月28日
一百年以前，一位伟大的美国人——我们就站在他象征性的庇荫下——签署了解放宣言。这一重要的法令犹如灯塔把辉煌的希望之光带给千百万饱受屈辱、处于水深火热中的黑人。它就像欢快的黎明来临，结束了奴隶被囚禁的漫漫长夜。
然而一百年后的今天，我们不能不面对这一悲剧性的事实，即黑人仍未获得自由。一百年后的今天，黑人的生命仍惨遭种族隔离桎梏和种族歧视枷锁的束缚。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质繁荣的汪洋大海所包围的贫穷孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍蜷缩在美国社会的偏僻角落，感到自己是自己国家里的流放者。因此我们今天来到这里以引起人们对一种骇人听闻的情况的注意。
在某种意义上，我们来到我国首都是为着兑支票。当我们共和国的创建者们写下宪法和独立宣言时，他们也就签署了一份期票，每个美国人都有它的继承权。这期票是一种许诺，保证给予每一个人不可转让的生活、自由和追求幸福的权利。 显而易见，今天美国在关系到她有色人种公民的问题上已对这份期票违约。美国没有承兑这一神圣的契约，而是给黑人一张空头支票；该支票被写上“存款不足”退回。但是我们不相信正义的银行已破产。我们不相信这个国家机会的金库中已存款不足。所以我们来此兑支票—一这支票将按要求给予我们自由的财富和公正的保障。 我们来到这神圣的地点，也是为了提醒美国记住现在极端紧迫的任务。
目前不是享受一下清静或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在该实现民主的许诺了。现在该从种族隔离黑暗荒凉的峡谷走上种族公平的金光大道了。现在该向上帝所有的孩子们打开机会的大门了。现在该把我国从种族歧视的流沙中救出，置于兄弟情谊的坚硬岩石之上了。 倘若这个国家忽视了此刻紧迫的形势，低估了黑人的决心，那将造成致命的后果。这一黑人合理不满的闷热夏季将不会过去，直到自由平等的爽朗秋季来临。一九六三年不是终结，而是开端。倘若国家一如既往恢复原样，那些希望黑人只是需要出出气，现在可以满意的人将会大失所望。美国将没有安宁和平静，除非黑人获得了他们的公民权。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基础，直到公正的晴天出现。 但有件事我得告诉我的站在通向公正之宫温暖入口的人民。
在争取我们合法地位的斗争过程中，我们不应干违法之事。我们切莫端起苦涩和仇恨的杯子来满足自己对自由的渴求。我们必须永远在尊严的纪律的高水平上开展斗争。我们决不能让我们创造性的抗议堕落成为暴力行动。我们必须一次又一次升华到用精神力量对付武力的崇高境界。 黑人社区洋溢着崭新的战斗精神不应导致我们对一切白人都不信任，因为我们许多白人弟兄，正如他们今天的到场所证明的，已意识到他们的自由与我们的自由血肉相连，不可分割。我们不能独自行进。 我们一旦起步，就必须发誓勇往直前。我们不能往回走。
有人这样问民权运动的忠实斗士：“你们何时才能满足？”
只要黑人仍是警察暴行难以形容的恐怖的受害者，我们就决不会满足。 只要我们虽经旅途奔波浑身疲乏仍无法在公路或城市中租用汽车游客旅馆，我们就决不会满足。
只要黑人的基本流动方式只是从一处较小的黑人区迁到一处较大的黑人区，我们就决不会满足。
只要密西西比州有一个黑人不能投票，只要纽约有一个黑人认为没有什么东西值得他去投票，我们就不会满足。
是的，我们不满足，而且我们将永不满足，直到公正如洪水，正义如激流滚滚而来。
我不能不注意到，你们有些人经历了巨大的痛苦和磨难来到这里。你们有些人刚从狭窄的牢房出来。你们有些人来自某些地区，在那里你们因争取自由惨遭迫害，被警察的暴行所摧残。你们已是为创造而受苦的老战士。继续怀着这一信念工作吧：并非由自己招致的苦难将带来补偿。
回密西西比去，回亚拉巴马去，回南卡罗来纳去，回佐治亚去，回路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市的贫民窟和黑人区去，既然你们知道因某种原因形势可能而且必将发生变化。
我们且莫在绝望的山谷中打滚。 我今天对你们说，我的朋友们，尽管眼下困难重重，颇多挫折，我仍然有一个梦。它深深植根于美国梦。
我梦见总有一天这个国家将站立起来，实现它的信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言自明：人人生而平等。”
我梦见有一天在佐治亚的红山上，原先的奴隶的儿子们与原先奴隶主的儿子们坐在一张桌子旁共叙手足情。
我梦见有一天甚至密西西比州遭不公正和压迫的酷热煎熬的沙漠将变成自由和公正的绿洲。
我梦见有一天自己的四个孩子将生活在一个国家，在那里人们对他们的评价不是根据肤色，而是根据品格。
我今天有一个梦。
我梦见有一天亚拉巴马州——其州长最近大谈干预，鼓吹拒绝执行国会的法令——将会大变样，黑人儿童与白人儿童携手并肩，亲如手足。
我今天有一个梦。
我梦见有一天每一条山谷都升高，每一座山头都降低，地势崎岖的地方变得平坦，弯弯曲曲的地带变得笔直，而上帝的光辉得以展现，让所有的人都看见。
这是我们的希望。
正是怀着这一信念我回南方。
怀着这信念我们将能从绝望的大山中开凿出希望的石块。
怀着这信念我们将能把我国的一片嘈杂吵闹声变为一曲华丽的兄弟情谊的交响乐。
怀着这信念，我们将能够一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起入狱，一起为自由挺身而出，因为我们知道有一天我们将会自由。
那将是这样的一天，届时上帝所有的孩子将能唱出新的意义：“你是我的祖国，美好的自由之邦，我要为你歌唱。
父辈葬身之处，移民夸耀之土，让我自由之声，响彻每个山冈。”
如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这就必须变成现实。
让自由从新罕布什尔的崇山峻岭响起。
让自由从宾夕法尼亚高高阿勒格尼山响起！
让自由从科罗拉多白雪覆盖的落矶山脉响起！
让自由从加利福尼亚透迤的群山响起！
不仅如此，还要让自由从佐治亚的石山上响起！
让自由从田纳西的卢考特山响起！
让自由从密西西比每座山头和小丘响起。
让自由从每一处山腰响起。
当我们让自由鸣响，让自由从每一座村庄响起，
从每一个州和每一个城市响起，
我们就能使这一天更快来临，那时上帝所有的孩子们，不论是黑人还是白人，犹太人还是非犹太人，新教徒还是天主教徒，都将手拉着手高唱一首古老的黑人圣歌的歌词：
“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢万能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”
～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～
英文原文：
I Have A Dream
Martin Luther King
March 28, 1963
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.
One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.
And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.
This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.
Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.
Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.
Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.
The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place,
we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.
We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.
Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.
And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.
We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. *
We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.
We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: "For Whites Only."*
We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.
No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."²
T
his is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.
With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York
.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last!
Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!³
～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～
马丁·路德·金：我有一个梦
1963年8月28日
一百年以前，一位伟大的美国人——我们就站在他象征性的庇荫下——签署了解放宣言。这一重要的法令犹如灯塔把辉煌的希望之光带给千百万饱受屈辱、处于水深火热中的黑人。它就像欢快的黎明来临，结束了奴隶被囚禁的漫漫长夜。
然而一百年后的今天，我们不能不面对这一悲剧性的事实，即黑人仍未获得自由。一百年后的今天，黑人的生命仍惨遭种族隔离桎梏和种族歧视枷锁的束缚。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质繁荣的汪洋大海所包围的贫穷孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍蜷缩在美国社会的偏僻角落，感到自己是自己国家里的流放者。因此我们今天来到这里以引起人们对一种骇人听闻的情况的注意。
在某种意义上，我们来到我国首都是为着兑支票。当我们共和国的创建者们写下宪法和独立宣言时，他们也就签署了一份期票，每个美国人都有它的继承权。这期票是一种许诺，保证给予每一个人不可转让的生活、自由和追求幸福的权利。 显而易见，今天美国在关系到她有色人种公民的问题上已对这份期票违约。美国没有承兑这一神圣的契约，而是给黑人一张空头支票；该支票被写上“存款不足”退回。但是我们不相信正义的银行已破产。我们不相信这个国家机会的金库中已存款不足。所以我们来此兑支票—一这支票将按要求给予我们自由的财富和公正的保障。 我们来到这神圣的地点，也是为了提醒美国记住现在极端紧迫的任务。
目前不是享受一下清静或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在该实现民主的许诺了。现在该从种族隔离黑暗荒凉的峡谷走上种族公平的金光大道了。现在该向上帝所有的孩子们打开机会的大门了。现在该把我国从种族歧视的流沙中救出，置于兄弟情谊的坚硬岩石之上了。 倘若这个国家忽视了此刻紧迫的形势，低估了黑人的决心，那将造成致命的后果。这一黑人合理不满的闷热夏季将不会过去，直到自由平等的爽朗秋季来临。一九六三年不是终结，而是开端。倘若国家一如既往恢复原样，那些希望黑人只是需要出出气，现在可以满意的人将会大失所望。美国将没有安宁和平静，除非黑人获得了他们的公民权。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基础，直到公正的晴天出现。 但有件事我得告诉我的站在通向公正之宫温暖入口的人民。
在争取我们合法地位的斗争过程中，我们不应干违法之事。我们切莫端起苦涩和仇恨的杯子来满足自己对自由的渴求。我们必须永远在尊严的纪律的高水平上开展斗争。我们决不能让我们创造性的抗议堕落成为暴力行动。我们必须一次又一次升华到用精神力量对付武力的崇高境界。 黑人社区洋溢着崭新的战斗精神不应导致我们对一切白人都不信任，因为我们许多白人弟兄，正如他们今天的到场所证明的，已意识到他们的自由与我们的自由血肉相连，不可分割。我们不能独自行进。 我们一旦起步，就必须发誓勇往直前。我们不能往回走。
有人这样问民权运动的忠实斗士：“你们何时才能满足？”
只要黑人仍是警察暴行难以形容的恐怖的受害者，我们就决不会满足。 只要我们虽经旅途奔波浑身疲乏仍无法在公路或城市中租用汽车游客旅馆，我们就决不会满足。
只要黑人的基本流动方式只是从一处较小的黑人区迁到一处较大的黑人区，我们就决不会满足。
只要密西西比州有一个黑人不能投票，只要纽约有一个黑人认为没有什么东西值得他去投票，我们就不会满足。
是的，我们不满足，而且我们将永不满足，直到公正如洪水，正义如激流滚滚而来。
我不能不注意到，你们有些人经历了巨大的痛苦和磨难来到这里。你们有些人刚从狭窄的牢房出来。你们有些人来自某些地区，在那里你们因争取自由惨遭迫害，被警察的暴行所摧残。你们已是为创造而受苦的老战士。继续怀着这一信念工作吧：并非由自己招致的苦难将带来补偿。
回密西西比去，回亚拉巴马去，回南卡罗来纳去，回佐治亚去，回路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市的贫民窟和黑人区去，既然你们知道因某种原因形势可能而且必将发生变化。
我们且莫在绝望的山谷中打滚。 我今天对你们说，我的朋友们，尽管眼下困难重重，颇多挫折，我仍然有一个梦。它深深植根于美国梦。
我梦见总有一天这个国家将站立起来，实现它的信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言自明：人人生而平等。”
我梦见有一天在佐治亚的红山上，原先的奴隶的儿子们与原先奴隶主的儿子们坐在一张桌子旁共叙手足情。
我梦见有一天甚至密西西比州遭不公正和压迫的酷热煎熬的沙漠将变成自由和公正的绿洲。
我梦见有一天自己的四个孩子将生活在一个国家，在那里人们对他们的评价不是根据肤色，而是根据品格。
我今天有一个梦。
我梦见有一天亚拉巴马州——其州长最近大谈干预，鼓吹拒绝执行国会的法令——将会大变样，黑人儿童与白人儿童携手并肩，亲如手足。
我今天有一个梦。
我梦见有一天每一条山谷都升高，每一座山头都降低，地势崎岖的地方变得平坦，弯弯曲曲的地带变得笔直，而上帝的光辉得以展现，让所有的人都看见。
这是我们的希望。
正是怀着这一信念我回南方。
怀着这信念我们将能从绝望的大山中开凿出希望的石块。
怀着这信念我们将能把我国的一片嘈杂吵闹声变为一曲华丽的兄弟情谊的交响乐。
怀着这信念，我们将能够一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起入狱，一起为自由挺身而出，因为我们知道有一天我们将会自由。
那将是这样的一天，届时上帝所有的孩子将能唱出新的意义：“你是我的祖国，美好的自由之邦，我要为你歌唱。
父辈葬身之处，移民夸耀之土，让我自由之声，响彻每个山冈。”
如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这就必须变成现实。
让自由从新罕布什尔的崇山峻岭响起。
让自由从宾夕法尼亚高高阿勒格尼山响起！
让自由从科罗拉多白雪覆盖的落矶山脉响起！
让自由从加利福尼亚透迤的群山响起！
不仅如此，还要让自由从佐治亚的石山上响起！
让自由从田纳西的卢考特山响起！
让自由从密西西比每座山头和小丘响起。
让自由从每一处山腰响起。
当我们让自由鸣响，让自由从每一座村庄响起，
从每一个州和每一个城市响起，
我们就能使这一天更快来临，那时上帝所有的孩子们，不论是黑人还是白人，犹太人还是非犹太人，新教徒还是天主教徒，都将手拉着手高唱一首古老的黑人圣歌的歌词：
“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢万能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”
～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～
英文原文：
I Have A Dream
Martin Luther King
March 28, 1963
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.
This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.
One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.
And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.
This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.
Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.
Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.
Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.
The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place,
we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.
We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.
Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.
And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.
We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. *
We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.
We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: "For Whites Only."*
We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.
No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."²
T
his is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.
With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York
.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last!
Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!³
2008年11月5日星期三
美国大选为何定在周二？
今年美国大选定于11月4日举行。
美国法律规定，大选固定在11月第一个星期一之后的星期二。为什么不像许多其他国家，在星期六或星期日举行选举，而要安排在星期二呢？港台媒体公布了有关这一法律规定的资料。
在19世纪中叶前，美国大选是各州自行决定投票日期的。直到1845年，国会认为有全国同一天举行选举的必要，才立法确定大选日期。 当时国会议员的决定，纯粹是基于经济和宗教因素考量，与政治无关。
19世纪美国还是农业社会，一切以农民作息为优先考量。春天农民忙着播种，夏天忙着灌溉除草，秋天忙着收获，冬天下雪不利出门。因此11月初，农作物收获完毕，雨季已过，雪季未到，被认为是举行选举最恰当的时间。 国会议员在考虑选举日期时，首先就排除了星期日，因为星期日民众要上教堂。 而由于当时的主要交通工具是马车，乡下居民坐马车长途跋涉到城里投票，往返通常要花两天时间，因此星期六和星期一也被排除，因为如果星期六选举，民众可能无法在星期日赶回家上教堂；又因星期日上教堂，而无法在星期一抵达城里投票。 星期三是许多城镇每周固定的市集日，民众忙于去市集，不适合举行选举，星期四也无法赶到城里投票。 星期五是一周的最后一个工作日，也不适合选举。 因此，一个星期中，就只剩下星期二最适合举行全国性选举。
为什么要像绕口令似的，规定大选必须在"11月第一个星期一之后的星期二"举行，而不干脆规定11月的第一个星期二呢？理由也是基于宗教因素。 因为11月1日是万圣节，是农业社会的重要宗教节庆，不适合举行选举。为避免11月1日刚好是星期二，因此就规定第一个星期一之后的星期二，完全排除于11月1日举行选举的可能性。
□ 新华网
美国法律规定，大选固定在11月第一个星期一之后的星期二。为什么不像许多其他国家，在星期六或星期日举行选举，而要安排在星期二呢？港台媒体公布了有关这一法律规定的资料。
在19世纪中叶前，美国大选是各州自行决定投票日期的。直到1845年，国会认为有全国同一天举行选举的必要，才立法确定大选日期。 当时国会议员的决定，纯粹是基于经济和宗教因素考量，与政治无关。
19世纪美国还是农业社会，一切以农民作息为优先考量。春天农民忙着播种，夏天忙着灌溉除草，秋天忙着收获，冬天下雪不利出门。因此11月初，农作物收获完毕，雨季已过，雪季未到，被认为是举行选举最恰当的时间。 国会议员在考虑选举日期时，首先就排除了星期日，因为星期日民众要上教堂。 而由于当时的主要交通工具是马车，乡下居民坐马车长途跋涉到城里投票，往返通常要花两天时间，因此星期六和星期一也被排除，因为如果星期六选举，民众可能无法在星期日赶回家上教堂；又因星期日上教堂，而无法在星期一抵达城里投票。 星期三是许多城镇每周固定的市集日，民众忙于去市集，不适合举行选举，星期四也无法赶到城里投票。 星期五是一周的最后一个工作日，也不适合选举。 因此，一个星期中，就只剩下星期二最适合举行全国性选举。
为什么要像绕口令似的，规定大选必须在"11月第一个星期一之后的星期二"举行，而不干脆规定11月的第一个星期二呢？理由也是基于宗教因素。 因为11月1日是万圣节，是农业社会的重要宗教节庆，不适合举行选举。为避免11月1日刚好是星期二，因此就规定第一个星期一之后的星期二，完全排除于11月1日举行选举的可能性。
□ 新华网
President Obama only in America
Only in America
Only in America
Is there Prez Obama
For it's the land of opportunity
It doesn't matter
Who you are.
The son of an African man
and a white woman
Dreamed a big dream
Worked very hard
Now won the big game
firing the flame.
No matter where you come
Or what your last name
If you dare to dream
just get in the game
One day you can
Make yourself a big name
Yes you can.
Congrats to Prez Obama
I am so proud of America!
Only in America
Is there Prez Obama
For it's the land of opportunity
It doesn't matter
Who you are.
The son of an African man
and a white woman
Dreamed a big dream
Worked very hard
Now won the big game
firing the flame.
No matter where you come
Or what your last name
If you dare to dream
just get in the game
One day you can
Make yourself a big name
Yes you can.
Congrats to Prez Obama
I am so proud of America!
2008年11月4日星期二
Vote Today! Be part of history.
This is a historical election in the USA. Be part of it, Vote today!
I did. Did you?
Want your voice heard?
Speak out.
This is your chance.
I did. Did you?
Want your voice heard?
Speak out.
This is your chance.
Obama: Black or White? VOTE TODAY!
鲁 鸣·
From CND.org
(很不想写这个题目。争论太大。可明天就是总统大选日，还是忍不住。】
很多华人骨子里是瞧不起黑人的。只是美国有反歧视法，华人不敢在媒体上公共说罢了。不过，这绝不是华人的问题。
许多亚裔是不会选奥巴马的。且不说奥的政见，就因他是黑人，没法让这些人接受。其实奥只有一半是非裔血统。我就不明白，既然他有一半是非裔血统，就可以把他称之黑人，为什么不因他有一半是殴裔血统而称他为白人？更何况奥是在白人家庭中长大的。说穿了，就因他的肤色偏黑而不是偏白。凭心而论，我们华人是很歧视别人的一个民族，看不起外地人、乡下人，大城市的人歧视小地方的人。
我们华人普遍非常歧视黑人。我在一次纽约华人聚会上问大家：“如果你和一个美国黑人相爱，你会不会和他(她)结婚？”一个在华尔街工作的女士立刻回答说：“你的这个问题本身不会成立。如果对方是黑人，我根本不会爱他。”另一个男士说：“就算我爱她，我怎么把她带回中国去见父母和家里人以及朋友？”大家七嘴八舌，所有结论最后归结为以上这两个回答，这让我大吃一惊：我们在谴责白人歧视我们的同时，却如此根深蒂固地歧视黑人。我们华人还很歧视南美人，比如墨西哥人，把他们叫做“老墨”，就像把黑人叫做“老黑”。我从来没有听到华人把白人叫做“老白”。
我们反歧视，首先要反我们自己灵魂深处的歧视观念。我这样说，不是不要抵制别人对我们华人的歧视，而是说我们需要在自己身上找原因，反思一下。很多华人忘记了自己在美国一直被歧视的历史，忘记了美国排华法是什么时候才解除的。
话又说回到亚裔。亚裔移民大都崇尚白皮肤。我们老家有“一白(掩)盖三丑”的说法，代表了亚裔移民的普遍观念。嫁娶白人，是高攀；嫁娶黑人或深色人种，是低就。不论钱财地位，至少心理上是这样。我曾有位非常英俊的印度朋友，爱上韩国女同学。两人爱得如漆似胶。女孩父母知道后，坚决反对，理由只有一个：朋友的肤色黑。否则断绝家庭关系和钱财来源。女孩无奈，远嫁了一个韩国男孩。朋友追到远方，对女孩说：“我不在乎你已婚，只要你离婚，我带你走。”可是，天下雨人已嫁。朋友空手而归。这是我刚到美国第二年身边朋友的故事。
近20年过去了，很多亚裔移民歧视黑人的观念没多大改变。今天，一位从哈佛毕业的韩国单身女士对我说，选奥巴马当总统或许无所谓，但她实在没法接受黑/深色的男人做丈夫。她一再向我解释，她在哈佛的韩裔朋友们都如此。有一次聚会，有位女同胞带位深色男友来，大家都觉得这女孩有毛病，纷纷离场。我惊咤，说：“你这个哈佛出来的研究生都有如此肤色歧视。”她回答说，“这是没办法的，我的这种审美观根深蒂固。我看到亚裔女孩跟黑人DATE，我就会认为那女孩是没受过良好教育或是妓女。不过，我已好多了。我在德克萨斯工作时，我的美国白人男友比我糟糕得多了，还唱《黑人应回非洲去》的歌曲。”
此时此刻，我内心担忧：奥巴马可能会输掉。因为决定美国总统往往是农村(rural areas)和中部南部那些州的选民：投票率高，而他们往往是保守的共和党。大城市例如纽约的人虽然上媒体的机会多，可就整体而言投票率低，而且很多人都是永久居民而非美国公民，没有选举权。美国农村和中部南部那些州的选民，很多人都去教会，而教会是这些人工作外的唯一社交网络，影响选民的决定。四年前小布什政绩如此烂而仍然当选，缘由之一就是利用了教会。
(2008/11/3/总统选举前)
From CND.org
(很不想写这个题目。争论太大。可明天就是总统大选日，还是忍不住。】
很多华人骨子里是瞧不起黑人的。只是美国有反歧视法，华人不敢在媒体上公共说罢了。不过，这绝不是华人的问题。
许多亚裔是不会选奥巴马的。且不说奥的政见，就因他是黑人，没法让这些人接受。其实奥只有一半是非裔血统。我就不明白，既然他有一半是非裔血统，就可以把他称之黑人，为什么不因他有一半是殴裔血统而称他为白人？更何况奥是在白人家庭中长大的。说穿了，就因他的肤色偏黑而不是偏白。凭心而论，我们华人是很歧视别人的一个民族，看不起外地人、乡下人，大城市的人歧视小地方的人。
我们华人普遍非常歧视黑人。我在一次纽约华人聚会上问大家：“如果你和一个美国黑人相爱，你会不会和他(她)结婚？”一个在华尔街工作的女士立刻回答说：“你的这个问题本身不会成立。如果对方是黑人，我根本不会爱他。”另一个男士说：“就算我爱她，我怎么把她带回中国去见父母和家里人以及朋友？”大家七嘴八舌，所有结论最后归结为以上这两个回答，这让我大吃一惊：我们在谴责白人歧视我们的同时，却如此根深蒂固地歧视黑人。我们华人还很歧视南美人，比如墨西哥人，把他们叫做“老墨”，就像把黑人叫做“老黑”。我从来没有听到华人把白人叫做“老白”。
我们反歧视，首先要反我们自己灵魂深处的歧视观念。我这样说，不是不要抵制别人对我们华人的歧视，而是说我们需要在自己身上找原因，反思一下。很多华人忘记了自己在美国一直被歧视的历史，忘记了美国排华法是什么时候才解除的。
话又说回到亚裔。亚裔移民大都崇尚白皮肤。我们老家有“一白(掩)盖三丑”的说法，代表了亚裔移民的普遍观念。嫁娶白人，是高攀；嫁娶黑人或深色人种，是低就。不论钱财地位，至少心理上是这样。我曾有位非常英俊的印度朋友，爱上韩国女同学。两人爱得如漆似胶。女孩父母知道后，坚决反对，理由只有一个：朋友的肤色黑。否则断绝家庭关系和钱财来源。女孩无奈，远嫁了一个韩国男孩。朋友追到远方，对女孩说：“我不在乎你已婚，只要你离婚，我带你走。”可是，天下雨人已嫁。朋友空手而归。这是我刚到美国第二年身边朋友的故事。
近20年过去了，很多亚裔移民歧视黑人的观念没多大改变。今天，一位从哈佛毕业的韩国单身女士对我说，选奥巴马当总统或许无所谓，但她实在没法接受黑/深色的男人做丈夫。她一再向我解释，她在哈佛的韩裔朋友们都如此。有一次聚会，有位女同胞带位深色男友来，大家都觉得这女孩有毛病，纷纷离场。我惊咤，说：“你这个哈佛出来的研究生都有如此肤色歧视。”她回答说，“这是没办法的，我的这种审美观根深蒂固。我看到亚裔女孩跟黑人DATE，我就会认为那女孩是没受过良好教育或是妓女。不过，我已好多了。我在德克萨斯工作时，我的美国白人男友比我糟糕得多了，还唱《黑人应回非洲去》的歌曲。”
此时此刻，我内心担忧：奥巴马可能会输掉。因为决定美国总统往往是农村(rural areas)和中部南部那些州的选民：投票率高，而他们往往是保守的共和党。大城市例如纽约的人虽然上媒体的机会多，可就整体而言投票率低，而且很多人都是永久居民而非美国公民，没有选举权。美国农村和中部南部那些州的选民，很多人都去教会，而教会是这些人工作外的唯一社交网络，影响选民的决定。四年前小布什政绩如此烂而仍然当选，缘由之一就是利用了教会。
(2008/11/3/总统选举前)
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